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Local Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax / ed. by Artemis Alexiadou, Gereon Müller, Tibor Kiss.

Contributor(s): Material type: TextTextSeries: Linguistische Arbeiten ; 547Publisher: Berlin ; Boston : De Gruyter, [2012]Copyright date: ©2013Description: 1 online resource (526 p.)Content type:
Media type:
Carrier type:
ISBN:
  • 9783110294712
  • 9783110294774
Subject(s): DDC classification:
  • 415 22/ger
Other classification:
  • online - DeGruyter
Online resources: Available additional physical forms:
  • Issued also in print.
Contents:
Frontmatter -- Contents -- Local Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax: An Introduction -- Long Distance Agreement in Relative Clauses -- In Support of Long Distance Agree -- Agree, Move, Selection, and Set-Merge -- Probing the Past: On Reconciling Long-Distance Agreement with the PIC -- Reflexivity and Dependency -- Derivational Binding and the Elimination of Uninterpretable Features -- German Free Datives and Knight Move Binding -- Restricted Syntax – Unrestricted Semantics? -- Local Case, Cyclic Agree and the Syntax of Truly Ergative Verbs -- A Local Derivation of Global Case Splits -- Function Composition and the Linear Local Modeling of Extended NEG-Scope -- Ellipsis and Phases: Evidence from Antecedent Contained Sluicing -- Restructuring and Clitic Climbing in Romance: A Categorial Grammar Analysis -- A Derivational View on Movement Constraints -- Are Movement Paths Punctuated or Uniform? -- A Hypothetical Proof Account of Chamorro Wh-Agreement -- Deriving Reconstruction Asymmetries -- Local Modelling of Allegedly Local but Really Non-Local Phenomena: Lack of Superiority Effects Revisited -- Index
Summary: Syntactic dependencies are often non-local: They can involve two positions in a syntactic structure whose correspondence cannot be captured by invoking concepts like minimal clause or predicate/argument structure. Relevant phenomena include long-distance movement, long-distance reflexivization, long-distance agreement, control, non-local deletion, long-distance case assignment, consecutio temporum, extended scope of negation, and semantic binding of pronouns. A recurring strategy pursued in many contemporary syntactic theories is to model cases of non-local dependencies in a strictly local way, by successively passing on the relevant information in small domains of syntactic structures.The present volume brings together eighteen articles that investigate non-local dependencies in movement, agreement, binding, scope, and deletion constructions from different theoretical backgrounds (among them versions of the Minimalist Program, HPSG, and Categorial Grammar), and based on evidence from a variety of typologically distinct languages. This way, advantages and disadvantages of local treatments of non-local dependencies become evident. Furthermore, it turns out that local analyses of non-local phenomena developed in different syntactic theories (spanning the derivational/declarative divide) often may not only share identical research questions but also rely on identical research strategies.
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Item type Current library Call number URL Status Notes Barcode
eBook eBook Biblioteca "Angelicum" Pont. Univ. S.Tommaso d'Aquino Nuvola online online - DeGruyter (Browse shelf(Opens below)) Online access Not for loan (Accesso limitato) Accesso per gli utenti autorizzati / Access for authorized users (dgr)9783110294774

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Local Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax: An Introduction -- Long Distance Agreement in Relative Clauses -- In Support of Long Distance Agree -- Agree, Move, Selection, and Set-Merge -- Probing the Past: On Reconciling Long-Distance Agreement with the PIC -- Reflexivity and Dependency -- Derivational Binding and the Elimination of Uninterpretable Features -- German Free Datives and Knight Move Binding -- Restricted Syntax – Unrestricted Semantics? -- Local Case, Cyclic Agree and the Syntax of Truly Ergative Verbs -- A Local Derivation of Global Case Splits -- Function Composition and the Linear Local Modeling of Extended NEG-Scope -- Ellipsis and Phases: Evidence from Antecedent Contained Sluicing -- Restructuring and Clitic Climbing in Romance: A Categorial Grammar Analysis -- A Derivational View on Movement Constraints -- Are Movement Paths Punctuated or Uniform? -- A Hypothetical Proof Account of Chamorro Wh-Agreement -- Deriving Reconstruction Asymmetries -- Local Modelling of Allegedly Local but Really Non-Local Phenomena: Lack of Superiority Effects Revisited -- Index

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http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_16ec

Syntactic dependencies are often non-local: They can involve two positions in a syntactic structure whose correspondence cannot be captured by invoking concepts like minimal clause or predicate/argument structure. Relevant phenomena include long-distance movement, long-distance reflexivization, long-distance agreement, control, non-local deletion, long-distance case assignment, consecutio temporum, extended scope of negation, and semantic binding of pronouns. A recurring strategy pursued in many contemporary syntactic theories is to model cases of non-local dependencies in a strictly local way, by successively passing on the relevant information in small domains of syntactic structures.The present volume brings together eighteen articles that investigate non-local dependencies in movement, agreement, binding, scope, and deletion constructions from different theoretical backgrounds (among them versions of the Minimalist Program, HPSG, and Categorial Grammar), and based on evidence from a variety of typologically distinct languages. This way, advantages and disadvantages of local treatments of non-local dependencies become evident. Furthermore, it turns out that local analyses of non-local phenomena developed in different syntactic theories (spanning the derivational/declarative divide) often may not only share identical research questions but also rely on identical research strategies.

Issued also in print.

Mode of access: Internet via World Wide Web.

In English.

Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page (publisher's Web site, viewed 28. Feb 2023)